U.K. government hit with another large computer failure
The computer crash is being called the biggest in U.K. government history
News Story by Laura Rohde
NOVEMBER 26, 2004 (IDG NEWS SERVICE)
IT system failures continued to plague the U.K. government this week, when as many as 80,000 civil servants working for the Department of Work and Pensions (DWP) had to deal with what is being described in the local press as the biggest computer crash in government history.
The DWP was carrying out a "routine software upgrade" on Monday when the system crashed, leaving around 80% of the department's 100,000 desk machines disrupted or completely shut down, a DWP spokeswoman said today. The problems lasted through most of yesterday, but the "majority of our system is up and running now," she said.
Microsoft Corp. and Electronic Data Systems Corp. (EDS) run the DWP's network as part of a $3.8 billion information technology contract.
Microsoft issued a short statement today saying that it worked closely with its partners to help rectify the situation and support the DWP, but declined any further comment. Representatives from EDS could not immediately be reached for comment.
The head of the DWP, government secretary Alan Johnson, has promised an internal inquiry into the systems failure and the role Microsoft and EDS, of Plano, Texas, played in the crisis.
The DWP, which is responsible for providing a variety of state benefits to about 24 million people, attempted to downplay the effect the computer problems will have on its customers, saying that the department's mainframe computers were not affected. "There will be delays with new and amended benefit claims, but we have been dealing with the problems though our contingency plans and the disruptions will be minimal," the DWP spokeswoman said.
It is believed that the crash was caused when an incompatible system was downloaded on to the entire network, forcing employees to send faxes because they couldn't access their e-mail accounts and to fill out some payment checks by hand.
The IT failure was only the latest in a string of serious computer system problems experienced by the department. The DWP's Child Support Agency (CSA) has been struggling with a $863 million system from EDS that has made payments to only one in eight single parents awaiting them. Last week, Johnson told a House of Commons Parliamentary Select Committee that he is considering shutting down the child-support case management and telephony system, and Doug Smith, the head of the CSA, resigned from his job.
Today the general secretary of the Public and Commercial Services Union, Mark Serwotka, called on the government to hold off on its plans to cut 30,000 jobs in the DWP on the basis of IT improvements, in light of the computer crisis. Earlier this year, the government announced plans to eliminate 104,000 civil servant jobs across the government based in part on increased efficiencies gained though new IT systems.
Since 2001, the DWP has spent around $8.04 billion on various IT projects, including the CSA system. According to a report it submitted to a Parliament Select Committee, the department has spent $579 million on management and IT consultancy, $97.4 million on staff substitutions and contractors and $102.7 million on professional services.
The U.K.'s public sector IT projects in 2003 and 2004 are expected to cost more than $23.4 billion, but U.K. government IT projects have often been accused of being over-ambitious and prone to disastrous delays and cost overruns.
Beyond the DWP, further examples include the benefit-payment card program from the Post Office, the Department of Social Security and International Computers Ltd. (ICL), which fell apart after three years and $567 million; software problems that delayed the Swanwick air traffic control center and have since been blamed for a near collision between two airplanes; the disruption wrought on thousands of people with travel plans in 1999 by the Passport Office's new computer system, and the National Probation Service's case-record and management system which was abandoned in 2001 after it was revealed the project was expected to be two years late and 70% over budget.
Friday, 26 November 2004
Thursday, 11 November 2004
11-Nov-04 - Home Office blames IT trouble for register delays
Home Office blames IT trouble for register delays
Government admits problems revealed by Computing
Parliamentary Correspondent, Computing 11 Nov 2004
The Home Office has admitted 'technical difficulties' are to blame for the latest setback to the much delayed computerised firearms register, as revealed in Computing (Computing 28 October).
The Home Office was criticised heavily last week during a House of Lords debate last week after admitting that the National Firearms Licensing Management System (NFLMS) will not go live until the New Year, some seven-years after it was recommended.
Computing reported two weeks ago that the system - a searchable register on the Police National Computer - had suffered further problems at the pilot stage.
Home Office minister Lord Rooker admitted in the House of Lords last week that 'unacceptable delays' had plagued the system developed by Anite Public Services. He said they were partly caused by restrictions on resources but claimed this had since been resolved.
Rooker said the pilots highlighted two key disabling difficulties: the system was unable to print firearms certificates and it ran too slowly for police operational services, but said 'those matters are being dealt with'.
Conservative minister Lord Marlesford described the continuing delays, which span seven years, as 'a scandal bordering on an outrage'.
Liberal Democrat Lord McNally said it was totally unacceptable for Rooker to blame technical problems so long after the register was required by law, claiming the Home Office resisted it at the time and is suspected of resisting it still.
The requirement for the register was enacted in the wake of the Dunblane massacre in 1997. An enquiry revealed faults in manual police registration.
Government admits problems revealed by Computing
Parliamentary Correspondent, Computing 11 Nov 2004
The Home Office has admitted 'technical difficulties' are to blame for the latest setback to the much delayed computerised firearms register, as revealed in Computing (Computing 28 October).
The Home Office was criticised heavily last week during a House of Lords debate last week after admitting that the National Firearms Licensing Management System (NFLMS) will not go live until the New Year, some seven-years after it was recommended.
Computing reported two weeks ago that the system - a searchable register on the Police National Computer - had suffered further problems at the pilot stage.
Home Office minister Lord Rooker admitted in the House of Lords last week that 'unacceptable delays' had plagued the system developed by Anite Public Services. He said they were partly caused by restrictions on resources but claimed this had since been resolved.
Rooker said the pilots highlighted two key disabling difficulties: the system was unable to print firearms certificates and it ran too slowly for police operational services, but said 'those matters are being dealt with'.
Conservative minister Lord Marlesford described the continuing delays, which span seven years, as 'a scandal bordering on an outrage'.
Liberal Democrat Lord McNally said it was totally unacceptable for Rooker to blame technical problems so long after the register was required by law, claiming the Home Office resisted it at the time and is suspected of resisting it still.
The requirement for the register was enacted in the wake of the Dunblane massacre in 1997. An enquiry revealed faults in manual police registration.
Wednesday, 27 October 2004
27-Oct-04 - Firearms database delayed once again
Firearms database delayed once again
Pilot projects highlight slowness of systems and inability to print certificates
Emma Nash, Computing 27 Oct 2004
The much-delayed firearms database has been put on hold once again after problems with the system were identified in pilot tests.
The National Firearms Licensing Management System (NFLMS), a searchable gun register on the police national computer, was recommended seven years ago after the Dunblane massacre, but has suffered numerous delays ever since.
Computing has now learned that shortly after this testing began, Michael Gillespie, head of the Home Office's Public Order and Crime Issues Unit, sent a letter to Police forces throughout England and Wales detailing problems with NFLMS and delayed its general rollout once again.
Home Office Minister Lord Rooker announced the pilot in May 2002, with the full roll-out anticipated in May 2003.
By October of that year, the Police Information Technology Organisation (PITO), admitted NFLMS will be delayed until at least 2004 following an 'unsuccessful' procurement process.
And in March 2003, it said the system would be live by summer 2004, despite further delays in the procurement process.
Three months ago, Pito said most forces would be expected to migrate by January 2005. But it confirms there have been problems with the system.
'We are working with the supplier to resolve technical issues that arose during the first phase of the National Firearms Licensing Management System pilot testing,' a Pito spokesman told Computing.
'While the testing has shown that the system's functionality works well, the issues detailed in the letter to forces need to be resolved before rollout can begin,' he said.
The main problems concern the system's extremely slow operation, and its inability to print actual firearms license certificates.
PITO says the printing issue has now been resolved, but says it will not confirm new migration or rollout dates until the issues are fully resolved.
Anite Public Sector has developed the technology that will provide the searchable register of all guns on the Police National Computer in Hendon.
'The system supports a very important part of the police business and we to be confident that it is ready before handing it over to the police service to use,' the PITO spokesman said.
The news coincides with publication of Home Office figures last week that show gun crime grew three per cent last year.
Pilot projects highlight slowness of systems and inability to print certificates
Emma Nash, Computing 27 Oct 2004
The much-delayed firearms database has been put on hold once again after problems with the system were identified in pilot tests.
The National Firearms Licensing Management System (NFLMS), a searchable gun register on the police national computer, was recommended seven years ago after the Dunblane massacre, but has suffered numerous delays ever since.
Computing has now learned that shortly after this testing began, Michael Gillespie, head of the Home Office's Public Order and Crime Issues Unit, sent a letter to Police forces throughout England and Wales detailing problems with NFLMS and delayed its general rollout once again.
Home Office Minister Lord Rooker announced the pilot in May 2002, with the full roll-out anticipated in May 2003.
By October of that year, the Police Information Technology Organisation (PITO), admitted NFLMS will be delayed until at least 2004 following an 'unsuccessful' procurement process.
And in March 2003, it said the system would be live by summer 2004, despite further delays in the procurement process.
Three months ago, Pito said most forces would be expected to migrate by January 2005. But it confirms there have been problems with the system.
'We are working with the supplier to resolve technical issues that arose during the first phase of the National Firearms Licensing Management System pilot testing,' a Pito spokesman told Computing.
'While the testing has shown that the system's functionality works well, the issues detailed in the letter to forces need to be resolved before rollout can begin,' he said.
The main problems concern the system's extremely slow operation, and its inability to print actual firearms license certificates.
PITO says the printing issue has now been resolved, but says it will not confirm new migration or rollout dates until the issues are fully resolved.
Anite Public Sector has developed the technology that will provide the searchable register of all guns on the Police National Computer in Hendon.
'The system supports a very important part of the police business and we to be confident that it is ready before handing it over to the police service to use,' the PITO spokesman said.
The news coincides with publication of Home Office figures last week that show gun crime grew three per cent last year.
Wednesday, 14 July 2004
14-Jul-04 - Police forces start firearms database trial
Police forces start firearms database trial
Testing to begin in September
Emma Nash, Computing 14 Jul 2004
Two English police forces will start a pilot of the national firearms database in September - seven years since the system was first recommended.
Lancashire and Metropolitan Police will be the first to trial the National Firearms Licensing Management System (NFLMS).
Initial user acceptance testing begins in August, before the full system is tested the following month.
Some 42 police forces in England and Wales are expected to migrate to the new system by January next year, according to the Police Information Technology Organisation (PITO), which is co-ordinating the project.
One force is expected to have problems with the migration, so the final deadline is April 2005.
The NFLMS was originally recommended in the Firearms (Amendment) Act 1997 but suffered numerous delays, with work finally beginning at the end of 2003 (Computing, 18 December).
A further delay has caused the pilot to be put back by a month, but a spokesman for PITO told Computing it was not technology-related but a result of 'mundane things'.
'The original target was ready for service in August,' he said. 'That has slipped into September, but as far as we know the project remains on target.'
Supplier Anite is developing the technology, which will provide a central, searchable gun register on the Police National Computer in Hendon. Forces will be able to search for all people holding firearms and related certificates, instead of using local registers.
The NFLMS is based on an Oracle database, developed with Java and reporting tools from Business Objects.
The Anite application will be used in England and Wales. A separate system has been devised for Scottish forces.
Testing to begin in September
Emma Nash, Computing 14 Jul 2004
Two English police forces will start a pilot of the national firearms database in September - seven years since the system was first recommended.
Lancashire and Metropolitan Police will be the first to trial the National Firearms Licensing Management System (NFLMS).
Initial user acceptance testing begins in August, before the full system is tested the following month.
Some 42 police forces in England and Wales are expected to migrate to the new system by January next year, according to the Police Information Technology Organisation (PITO), which is co-ordinating the project.
One force is expected to have problems with the migration, so the final deadline is April 2005.
The NFLMS was originally recommended in the Firearms (Amendment) Act 1997 but suffered numerous delays, with work finally beginning at the end of 2003 (Computing, 18 December).
A further delay has caused the pilot to be put back by a month, but a spokesman for PITO told Computing it was not technology-related but a result of 'mundane things'.
'The original target was ready for service in August,' he said. 'That has slipped into September, but as far as we know the project remains on target.'
Supplier Anite is developing the technology, which will provide a central, searchable gun register on the Police National Computer in Hendon. Forces will be able to search for all people holding firearms and related certificates, instead of using local registers.
The NFLMS is based on an Oracle database, developed with Java and reporting tools from Business Objects.
The Anite application will be used in England and Wales. A separate system has been devised for Scottish forces.
Tuesday, 6 January 2004
06-Jan-2004 - William BURNS to Bryan McConnachie, Public Petition Committee
06-Jan-2004 -
William BURNS to Bryan McConnachie,
Public Petition Committee
William Burns
18 Shore Road
South Queensferry
EH30 9SG
Tel: 0131 331 1855
6 January 2004
Bryan McConachie
Public Petitions Team Support
Room 5.16
Public Petitions Committee
Parliamentary Headquarters
Edinburgh
EH99 1SP
Dear Mr McConachie
THE SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT - SUBMISSION OF PUBLIC PETITIONS PE652 & PE685
In support of evidence submitted with the Public Petitions Committee in relation to
the above petitions PE652 and PE685, please find enclosed a copy of an article of
serious significance by Marcello Mega that appeared in the News of the World on
Sunday, 28 December 2003. It further bolsters my earlier submitted News of the World
article by Marcello Mega of 9 November 2003, along with an article that appeared in
the Herald on Wednesday, 13 November 2003.
I apologise if I appear overly pushy with this supplication, but I am sure the entire
PPC will appreciate the enormity of it, especially in the light of Lord Burton's
revelations in the News of the World.
The "New of the World Investigates" article by Marcello Mega, published on 28 December
2003, is typed out verbatim below
The inquiry into the Dunblane massacre was a massive cover-up, a top Scots Freemason
has sensationally claimed. Former Grand Master Lord Burton says that Lord Cullen's
official probe suppressed crucial information to protect high-profile legal figures.
He says they may belong to a secretive "Super-Mason" group called The Speculative
Society. Some had links to the Queen Victoria School where gunman Thomas Hamilton was
allowed to roam free before the 1996 atrocity. [ DUNBLANE SCHOOL KILLINGS ]
And Lord Burton revealed that he was bullied and threatened by other peers when he
tried to raise his concerns in the House of Lords. Last night the 79 year-old
aristocrat said: "There's no escaping the fact that there's something sinister about
the whole affair." He was prompted into action after reading in the News of the World
last month that police are investigating claims that pupils at QVS were regularly
taken away and sexually abused.
The Cullen Inquiry failed to investigate why suspected paedophile Hamilton was
allowed to wander around the school whenever he liked, running camps and using the
shooting range.
Former housemaster Glenn Harrison told us how he even found Hamilton, 43, creeping
around the dormitories at night. He said Hamilton, who murdered 16 pupils and a
teacher at Dunblane Primary School in 1996, had close links to a top cop. Glenn
said he was aghast that he was never called to give evidence at the Cullen Inquiry.
He said: "I was one of the people who was making a fuss about Hamilton long before
he killed those children, but no one wanted to listen." Now Lord Burton has
contacted him at his new home in the Shetland Islands, saying he believes Glenn wasn't
called to give evidence to avoid the embarrassment of top legal names being dragged
into it.
The QVS is for schoolchildren of the military services and has long-standing links
to high office; its current patron is the Duke of Edinburgh. Whoever holds the
position of secretary of State for Scotland becomes president and Scotland's
second-most senior judge, the Lord Justice-Clerk, becomes a commissioner.
Lord Burton said: "I was Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Scotland at the time and
I'm aware that most of the conspiracy theories around Dunblane revolve around
allegations of a Masonic conspiracy. I do have some difficulty with that, but I have
learned of an apparent connection between prominent members of the legal establishment
involved in the inquiry, and the secretive Speculative Society. The society was formed
in Edinburgh University through Masonic connections so I accept that there might be a
link by that route. But Hamilton was never a Mason. His grandfather was."
[Petitioner's interjection: Thomas Hamilton enrolled as a member of Lodge Garrowhill
(Lanarkshire Middle Ward) No. 1413, Garrowhill Drive, Garrowhill, Glasgow, in 1977,
the same year he was granted a firearms certificate. Without any shadow of a doubt,
his files connecting him to Freemasonry would be destroyed after the atrocities on
13 March 1996.]
Current members of the Speculative Society include Lord Cullen and a number of other
judges, sheriffs and advocates. Lord Burton has been trying for years to get to the
bottom of the conspiracy theories, using his influence in the House of Lords until
the reforms meant he was no longer entitled to sit in Westminster. Last night he
said: "I tried repeatedly to raise concerns about the inquiry during my time in the
Lords, and I was bullied and threatened by powerful peers loyal to the Conservative
Government of the day, who warned me of dire consequences if I continued to
embarrass them."
[Petitioner's interjection - Bear in mind, Malcolm Rifkind was the Foreign Secretary
at the time - and they do not come much higher in government than that - and Malcolm
Rifkind's friend and his then Chairman of his constituency party at Edinburgh Pentlands,
Robert Bell, according to the front page lead of the Edinburgh Evening News on 23 March
1996, sold guns and ammunition to Thomas Hamilton only a few weeks before the Dunblane
massacre, and it was reported he said he would sell him guns again. I sent this
information to Lord Cullen in a letter dated 27 February 2003, a copy with which the
Public Petitions Committee were all provided as additional evidence to PE652.]
But the determined peer pressed on and on and in 1999, asked a question in the Lords
which revealed that documents from the inquiry had been locked up for 100 years.
Among them was a police report revealing that Hamilton had been accused of sexually
abusing boys and had been considered by some officers unfit to hold a firearms licence.
Lord Burton added: "We still need to know why that was necessary. Who was the secrecy
protecting?"
Although the official reason is to protect the families of possible abuse victims,
it's unusual for documents to be locked up unless for matters of national security.
In July, Dunblane ambulance worker Sandra Uttley told the News of the World how she
and friend Doreen Hagger had drawn up a 50-point, 5,000-word dossier calling for
secrecy surrounding the tragedy to be lifted. They claimed that dozens of questions
have gone unanswered and crucial lines of enquiry were ignored. Former ambulance
worker Sandra said: "There may be other individuals who should face prosecution."
Glenn Harrison had kept dozens of files from pupils alleging bullying and abuse
while he was at the QVS and wrote to parents warning of the dangers in 1991. It led
to him being ousted from the school and just days before he left, police raided his
home and confiscated the files. When Glenn read Sandra's story, he went back to the
police - and this time they agreed to investigate.
Last night he said he in turn had been glad to receive the call from Lord Burton ...
He added: "I've been making noises for years and I sometimes despair and think it's
time to just accept we'll never get to the truth. "But I think we owe it to all the
people who were so affected by the killings to continue to demand questions that
were never asked."
Glenn told us that Hamilton had been a friend of Ben Philip, the senior housemaster
at QVS. Mr Philip died in December 1993, aged 46, when he fell from a ladder while
hanging decorations. Glenn said: "They were friends so Hamilton was a regular visitor
to the school and I was introduced to him. "Ben Philip was a decent guy who was very
trusting. I think he thought he and Hamilton shared interests in things like the
outdoors, and he couldn't see that Hamilton had another motive for wanting to be
around the school.
"Hamilton ran camps in the school grounds and he used the shooting range freely. He
came and went as he pleased, almost as if he owned the place, and no one has ever
tried to explain why he had such freedom. I am still haunted by the memory of pick up
my newspaper on March 14 1996 and reading about what had occurred at Dunblane Primary
School the day before. I just knew the killer had to be Thomas Hamilton. He should
have been stopped."
Demands have already been made to the Scottish Executive to investigate the influence
of the Speculative Society. It was formed in 1764 as an off-shoot of the Masons and
has counted Sir Walter Scott, Robert Louis Stevenson and Hugh McDiarmid among its
most celebrated members.
The Spec, as it is known, is described by its members as a debating club. They meet
in candlelit vaults below Edinburgh University's Old College in the winter.
Prospective members are normally approached while still studying at the university.
Its membership - which was secret until a year ago - reads like a Who's Who of the
rich and powerful in Scotland.
Campaigners were determined to reveal the membership amid concerns, many expressed
by senior lawyers who are not members, of the disproportionate influence the Spec
is said to wield. One legal figure who has long been suspicious of the Spec said:
"Members laugh off the suspicions and say it's just a debating club. But, given
that the members are picked as undergrads and almost without exception go on to
reach the pinnacle of their careers, you have to think either that those making the
selection are very astute at spotting potential, or that membership gives you a big
leg up in life. I know which option I favour."
I will be much obliged if you could respond at your earliest convenience. Please also
keep me abreast of any progress with PE652, which was heard over two months ago, and
of any proposed date for the hearing of PE685.
Yours sincerely
WILLIAM BURNS
William BURNS to Bryan McConnachie,
Public Petition Committee
William Burns
18 Shore Road
South Queensferry
EH30 9SG
Tel: 0131 331 1855
6 January 2004
Bryan McConachie
Public Petitions Team Support
Room 5.16
Public Petitions Committee
Parliamentary Headquarters
Edinburgh
EH99 1SP
Dear Mr McConachie
THE SCOTTISH PARLIAMENT - SUBMISSION OF PUBLIC PETITIONS PE652 & PE685
In support of evidence submitted with the Public Petitions Committee in relation to
the above petitions PE652 and PE685, please find enclosed a copy of an article of
serious significance by Marcello Mega that appeared in the News of the World on
Sunday, 28 December 2003. It further bolsters my earlier submitted News of the World
article by Marcello Mega of 9 November 2003, along with an article that appeared in
the Herald on Wednesday, 13 November 2003.
I apologise if I appear overly pushy with this supplication, but I am sure the entire
PPC will appreciate the enormity of it, especially in the light of Lord Burton's
revelations in the News of the World.
The "New of the World Investigates" article by Marcello Mega, published on 28 December
2003, is typed out verbatim below
The inquiry into the Dunblane massacre was a massive cover-up, a top Scots Freemason
has sensationally claimed. Former Grand Master Lord Burton says that Lord Cullen's
official probe suppressed crucial information to protect high-profile legal figures.
He says they may belong to a secretive "Super-Mason" group called The Speculative
Society. Some had links to the Queen Victoria School where gunman Thomas Hamilton was
allowed to roam free before the 1996 atrocity. [ DUNBLANE SCHOOL KILLINGS ]
And Lord Burton revealed that he was bullied and threatened by other peers when he
tried to raise his concerns in the House of Lords. Last night the 79 year-old
aristocrat said: "There's no escaping the fact that there's something sinister about
the whole affair." He was prompted into action after reading in the News of the World
last month that police are investigating claims that pupils at QVS were regularly
taken away and sexually abused.
The Cullen Inquiry failed to investigate why suspected paedophile Hamilton was
allowed to wander around the school whenever he liked, running camps and using the
shooting range.
Former housemaster Glenn Harrison told us how he even found Hamilton, 43, creeping
around the dormitories at night. He said Hamilton, who murdered 16 pupils and a
teacher at Dunblane Primary School in 1996, had close links to a top cop. Glenn
said he was aghast that he was never called to give evidence at the Cullen Inquiry.
He said: "I was one of the people who was making a fuss about Hamilton long before
he killed those children, but no one wanted to listen." Now Lord Burton has
contacted him at his new home in the Shetland Islands, saying he believes Glenn wasn't
called to give evidence to avoid the embarrassment of top legal names being dragged
into it.
The QVS is for schoolchildren of the military services and has long-standing links
to high office; its current patron is the Duke of Edinburgh. Whoever holds the
position of secretary of State for Scotland becomes president and Scotland's
second-most senior judge, the Lord Justice-Clerk, becomes a commissioner.
Lord Burton said: "I was Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Scotland at the time and
I'm aware that most of the conspiracy theories around Dunblane revolve around
allegations of a Masonic conspiracy. I do have some difficulty with that, but I have
learned of an apparent connection between prominent members of the legal establishment
involved in the inquiry, and the secretive Speculative Society. The society was formed
in Edinburgh University through Masonic connections so I accept that there might be a
link by that route. But Hamilton was never a Mason. His grandfather was."
[Petitioner's interjection: Thomas Hamilton enrolled as a member of Lodge Garrowhill
(Lanarkshire Middle Ward) No. 1413, Garrowhill Drive, Garrowhill, Glasgow, in 1977,
the same year he was granted a firearms certificate. Without any shadow of a doubt,
his files connecting him to Freemasonry would be destroyed after the atrocities on
13 March 1996.]
Current members of the Speculative Society include Lord Cullen and a number of other
judges, sheriffs and advocates. Lord Burton has been trying for years to get to the
bottom of the conspiracy theories, using his influence in the House of Lords until
the reforms meant he was no longer entitled to sit in Westminster. Last night he
said: "I tried repeatedly to raise concerns about the inquiry during my time in the
Lords, and I was bullied and threatened by powerful peers loyal to the Conservative
Government of the day, who warned me of dire consequences if I continued to
embarrass them."
[Petitioner's interjection - Bear in mind, Malcolm Rifkind was the Foreign Secretary
at the time - and they do not come much higher in government than that - and Malcolm
Rifkind's friend and his then Chairman of his constituency party at Edinburgh Pentlands,
Robert Bell, according to the front page lead of the Edinburgh Evening News on 23 March
1996, sold guns and ammunition to Thomas Hamilton only a few weeks before the Dunblane
massacre, and it was reported he said he would sell him guns again. I sent this
information to Lord Cullen in a letter dated 27 February 2003, a copy with which the
Public Petitions Committee were all provided as additional evidence to PE652.]
But the determined peer pressed on and on and in 1999, asked a question in the Lords
which revealed that documents from the inquiry had been locked up for 100 years.
Among them was a police report revealing that Hamilton had been accused of sexually
abusing boys and had been considered by some officers unfit to hold a firearms licence.
Lord Burton added: "We still need to know why that was necessary. Who was the secrecy
protecting?"
Although the official reason is to protect the families of possible abuse victims,
it's unusual for documents to be locked up unless for matters of national security.
In July, Dunblane ambulance worker Sandra Uttley told the News of the World how she
and friend Doreen Hagger had drawn up a 50-point, 5,000-word dossier calling for
secrecy surrounding the tragedy to be lifted. They claimed that dozens of questions
have gone unanswered and crucial lines of enquiry were ignored. Former ambulance
worker Sandra said: "There may be other individuals who should face prosecution."
Glenn Harrison had kept dozens of files from pupils alleging bullying and abuse
while he was at the QVS and wrote to parents warning of the dangers in 1991. It led
to him being ousted from the school and just days before he left, police raided his
home and confiscated the files. When Glenn read Sandra's story, he went back to the
police - and this time they agreed to investigate.
Last night he said he in turn had been glad to receive the call from Lord Burton ...
He added: "I've been making noises for years and I sometimes despair and think it's
time to just accept we'll never get to the truth. "But I think we owe it to all the
people who were so affected by the killings to continue to demand questions that
were never asked."
Glenn told us that Hamilton had been a friend of Ben Philip, the senior housemaster
at QVS. Mr Philip died in December 1993, aged 46, when he fell from a ladder while
hanging decorations. Glenn said: "They were friends so Hamilton was a regular visitor
to the school and I was introduced to him. "Ben Philip was a decent guy who was very
trusting. I think he thought he and Hamilton shared interests in things like the
outdoors, and he couldn't see that Hamilton had another motive for wanting to be
around the school.
"Hamilton ran camps in the school grounds and he used the shooting range freely. He
came and went as he pleased, almost as if he owned the place, and no one has ever
tried to explain why he had such freedom. I am still haunted by the memory of pick up
my newspaper on March 14 1996 and reading about what had occurred at Dunblane Primary
School the day before. I just knew the killer had to be Thomas Hamilton. He should
have been stopped."
Demands have already been made to the Scottish Executive to investigate the influence
of the Speculative Society. It was formed in 1764 as an off-shoot of the Masons and
has counted Sir Walter Scott, Robert Louis Stevenson and Hugh McDiarmid among its
most celebrated members.
The Spec, as it is known, is described by its members as a debating club. They meet
in candlelit vaults below Edinburgh University's Old College in the winter.
Prospective members are normally approached while still studying at the university.
Its membership - which was secret until a year ago - reads like a Who's Who of the
rich and powerful in Scotland.
Campaigners were determined to reveal the membership amid concerns, many expressed
by senior lawyers who are not members, of the disproportionate influence the Spec
is said to wield. One legal figure who has long been suspicious of the Spec said:
"Members laugh off the suspicions and say it's just a debating club. But, given
that the members are picked as undergrads and almost without exception go on to
reach the pinnacle of their careers, you have to think either that those making the
selection are very astute at spotting potential, or that membership gives you a big
leg up in life. I know which option I favour."
I will be much obliged if you could respond at your earliest convenience. Please also
keep me abreast of any progress with PE652, which was heard over two months ago, and
of any proposed date for the hearing of PE685.
Yours sincerely
WILLIAM BURNS
Thursday, 18 December 2003
18-Dec-03 - Work starts on national gun register
Work starts on national gun register
Firearms Licensing Management System will link to Police National Computer
Emma Nash, Computing 18 Dec 2003
Work has finally started on the national gun register, seven years after it was first recommended.
Systems integrator Anite is developing the Firearms Licensing Management System that will link into the Police National Computer (PNC), allowing police forces across the country to share information about licensed guns.
The system will replace individual databases used by forces across England and Wales, and meet regulations stipulated under the 1997 Firearms (Amendment) Act.
"Forces will have an interface through the firearms licensing system that will link to a national certificate register on the PNC," said a Police IT Organisation (Pito) spokesman.
Anite has been working on the project for four months, and will roll it out in stages before it becomes fully operational in August 2004.
The supplier has submitted a proposed architecture to Pito and is now looking at commercially available components to implement the Firearms Licensing Management System.
"We expect there will be a database made available to forces by internet technologies," said Anite business development director Neil McIntyre.
"It will have the appropriate security controls to ensure the integrity of the information. At present there's a fragmented approach that is done on a force-by-force perspective.
"There's been a strong push by Pito and the government to provide information and intelligence across boundaries. Police will now have a national perspective."
A national firearms database was first recommended by the Association of Chief Police Officers in 1996, following the Dunblane massacre. It then appeared in the Firearms (Amendment) Act in 1997.
Firearms Licensing Management System will link to Police National Computer
Emma Nash, Computing 18 Dec 2003
Work has finally started on the national gun register, seven years after it was first recommended.
Systems integrator Anite is developing the Firearms Licensing Management System that will link into the Police National Computer (PNC), allowing police forces across the country to share information about licensed guns.
The system will replace individual databases used by forces across England and Wales, and meet regulations stipulated under the 1997 Firearms (Amendment) Act.
"Forces will have an interface through the firearms licensing system that will link to a national certificate register on the PNC," said a Police IT Organisation (Pito) spokesman.
Anite has been working on the project for four months, and will roll it out in stages before it becomes fully operational in August 2004.
The supplier has submitted a proposed architecture to Pito and is now looking at commercially available components to implement the Firearms Licensing Management System.
"We expect there will be a database made available to forces by internet technologies," said Anite business development director Neil McIntyre.
"It will have the appropriate security controls to ensure the integrity of the information. At present there's a fragmented approach that is done on a force-by-force perspective.
"There's been a strong push by Pito and the government to provide information and intelligence across boundaries. Police will now have a national perspective."
A national firearms database was first recommended by the Association of Chief Police Officers in 1996, following the Dunblane massacre. It then appeared in the Firearms (Amendment) Act in 1997.
Wednesday, 29 October 2003
29-Oct-03 - Cullen Inquiry Whitewash - HE WOULD SEEM TO BE A LIAR!
29-Oct-03 - Cullen Inquiry Whitewash - HE WOULD SEEM TO BE A LIAR! However we should not be too surprised in the light of his track record and his senior position in The Spec.
Cullen Inquiry Whitewash
Billy Burns recently petitioned the Scottish Parliament to open up to the public Lord Cullen’s 100-year Closure Order on files in relation to his pseudo-inquiry into the Dunblane massacre. (http://www.scottish.parliament.uk/petitions/public/index.htm listed at PE652)
Billy’s own correspondence was included in the order. Burns comments: “Lord Cullen can elicit little sympathy from the public for the way he conducted his inquiry into the Dunblane massacre in 1996.
I (Martin Frost) wrote to him on 27 February 2003 after a prominent Sunday Times journalist brought it to my attention that my correspondence with the ‘Cullen Inquiry’ before, during and after it commenced, had been put on a 100-year closure order, along with 105 other files.
“It was claimed that the reason the ‘gagging order’ was put in place was to protect the names of children who were victims of sex-abuse. Lord Cullen at the time of the Inquiry said there was no evidence of child sex-abuse, but now, seven years after his Inquiry, he has used the fact that there was evidence of child sex-abuse to try to justify his unwarranted 'gagging order’.
"This just did not wash with me. My letters to him did not mention a single name of a child sex-abuse victim - for I did not know any names. My letters dealt strictly with the potential, then actual Masonic cover-up, keeping in mind the many reports at the time that the mass killer, Thomas Hamilton, was a Freemason.
“I asked Lord Cullen to recuse himself if he was a Freemason. He denied he was a Mason following the question posed. I then asked him to instruct every witness to the Inquiry to declare if they were Masons, because too many sinister loopholes were created for Thomas Hamilton over a number of years to enable him to retain his gun licence and continue running boys clubs. Hamilton was given this seal of approval despite many misgivings from worried members of the public, certain police officers and others.
"As it happened, Lord Cullen did not recuse himself, even though, as I have recently discovered, he is numbered 1702 on the membership list of the ‘Speculative Society of Edinburgh’, which is an exclusive off-shoot of Freemasonry. In fact, Masons from Lodge Canongate Kilwinning No 2, founded the “Speculative Society” in Edinburgh in 1764.
"As the inquiry got under way, “Spec” member Lord Cullen did not ask any witnesses whether they were Masons or not, thereby digging a hole deeper and deeper for himself as his Inquiry actually regressed.
"When I learned of the 100-year 'gagging order', I wrote to Lord Cullen, demanded his resignation from the judiciary. He had been promoted to the Lord Presidency for his sins, the top law lord in the country. After receiving my letter, it was reported he was to be moved to the House of Lords. I had no intention of allowing him to take refuge in the Lords so I wrote a letter to him, addressing the envelope to the Judicial Department in the Lords, so that employees in that department were fully aware of the scandal surrounding the Dunblane cover-up. Since sending that letter, his elevation has been shelved to prevent his dirty (white)washing begriming the red benches."
“The only satisfactory way to now appease the relatives and friends of the victims of the massacre and of the child abuse - and, indeed, to appease the entire Scottish people who have all been excluded from the fundamental rights of citizenship as a result of the pseudo-inquiry - is to conduct a brand new inquiry under the auspices of a cross party panel of MSP's and nominated lay members whose lives were touched by the massacre. The same panel must also conduct a full-scale Inquiry into Lord Cullen's status and behaviour before, during and after his risible inquiry, and into his placing of the 100-year 'gagging order' on the evidence.
“As a consequence of my letter to Lord Cullen, asking him to resign, my name and address were summarily airbrushed from the already inaccurate description of the file held by the National Archives of Scotland. After I wrote a letter of complaint to them, it was changed again and now has the following more accurate description:
'1996 Apr-Jul Additional Productions
Correspondence between William Burns, South Queensferry, and Lord Cullen and the Clerk to the Inquiry concerning possible connections with Freemasonry of Thomas Hamilton, Lord Cullen himself, witnesses to the Inquiry and civil servants; also extracts from inquiry transcript relating to possible links with Freemasonry, and letters to and from Thomas Hamilton concerning running of boys clubs, rebuttals of allegations made against him and his claims against Central Regional Council and Central Scotland Police (R77).'
"I lodged a Petition with the Public Petitions Committee of the Scottish Parliament and sent copies to every MSP, exposing the flagrant cover-up. At the hearing on 29 November 2003, I made the following oral submission to the PPC: "I don’t think there is anyone in Scotland who now believes that the Cullen Inquiry into the Dunblane Massacre was anything other than a Masonic whitewash. The 100-year 'Gagging Order on my correspondence with the Cullen Inquiry confirms that. This Committee was provided with copies of my documents so cannot ignore the existence of this solid evidence.
"At the time of the Inquiry, Lord Cullen claimed there was no evidence of child sex-abuse in relation to Thomas Hamilton and his connections, but seven years later he uses the fact that there was evidence of child sex-abuse to put a “Gagging Order” on the files, claiming it was imposed to protect the names of victims, even though most of the files buried do not mention any names of victims.
"My own files are in that category. It must be clear to the Committee that the only reason the content of my letters to Cullen were 'gagged' was precisely to keep the Masonic implication out of the equation; therefore out of the public eye.
"'There is no statutory basis for the closure of orders created by Scottish public bodies.' These are the words of the Lord Advocate, not mine. They were produced in a publication on 18 March 2003 by the Scottish Executive - News Online, under the heading: 'Dunblane police reports released.'
“That disclosure alone makes a mockery of the Clerk to the Committee, Steve Farrell’s 'view' that it is not within the competence of the Parliament to overturn or interfere with the terms of such an order. The Scottish Parliament is the ONLY with the power to create a framework for imposing closure orders; but it must do so in the public interest, not in the interest of collaborators in secret societies.
"The Lord Advocate goes on to say: 'The Public Records (Scotland) Act 1937 makes provision for the preservation, care and custody of the public records of Scotland. The terms of the legislation are permissive [i.e., lenient, tolerant or liberal, reflecting a belief that there should be as few restraints as possible].'
'Preservation, custody and care of records' does not mean the exact opposite; the 'smotheration, stash and snare' of public records.
"The report continues: 'By contrast, in England and Wales the Public Records Act 1958 (as amended by the Public Records Act 1967) sets a statutory "closure period" of 30 years, after which records must, with limited exceptions, be made available to the public. The 1937 [Scottish] Act DOES NOT impose similar obligations on Executive departments, but IN PRACTICE those procedures are followed in Scotland.'
"'In practice' means nothing and could well be replaced with 'convenience', "habit", 'obsession', 'fixation', 'weakness', and a number of other meaningless slogans. Even tradition has no authority in law. Just because something is widespread 'practice, it does not create a power that Parliament has denied or has not legislated for.
"Since there is no framework for closure orders in Scotland, I am calling on Parliament to enact unequivocal legislation to prevent people with a vested interest from burying evidence and diverting the onus onto everyone from judges to procurators fiscal to the police to clerks and to every Tom, Dick and Harry chosen for the purpose, so that the real culprits can distance themselves from their illicit undertakings.
"This closure order was enforced not to protect the names of children, who are adults now, but to protect the names of very high-profile Masons and paedophiles."
On being questioned by members of the PPC, I brought to their attention the fact that, in the Cullen Inquiry transcript, three people giving evidence referred to Thomas Hamilton's connection with the Queen Victoria School in Dunblane. At page 286, Grace Jones Ogilvie, a neighbour of Thomas Hamilton, said Hamilton used to get a van from Central Region for camps at Loch Lomondside and Queen Victoria School. At page 1,803, Ian Steven Boal, who was a teacher and a friend of Hamilton's, told how he was helped by Thomas Hamilton to get a job at Queen Victoria School. At page 2,267, Robert Mark Ure, an ex-husband of a friend of Thomas Hamilton, evidenced that his estranged wife had been to the rifle range at Queen Victoria School with Thomas Hamilton.
These referrals to Queen Victoria School were mysteriously ignored in Cullen's Report. Why were questions not asked about who made it possible for Hamilton to have easy access to and influence in QVS. Being a boarding school for children of the military, apparently sten guns were occasionally used on the range.
According to a former school master at QVS, Hamilton had free access to the rifle range. He also disclosed that he had been complaining for years about very high profile people arriving at the school (Friends of QVS they were called), some of whom took children away from the school for weekends to play out their perverted, sordid, sexual fantasies on children. Hamilton was the mediator for this paedophile ring. This schoolmaster was prevented from giving evidence at the Cullen Inquiry and was soon moved away to a remote part of Scotland.
What you had here was a Secretary of State for Scotland, Michael Forsyth who, by virtue of office, was on the Board of Directors of QVS, and was also responsible for the appointment of Cullen to conduct the Inquiry. There is Prince Philip, a Freemason, the patron of the Board of Directors of QVS and is an honorary member of the exclusive, secretive and highly suspect Speculative Society of Edinburgh. Then there is Lord (Donald McArthur) Ross, the then Lord Justice-Clerk and Cullen's superior in the judiciary, who was also on the Board of Directors, and is also a "Brother" of Cullen's in the Masonic Speculative Society of Edinburgh, numbered at 1642.
Five weeks after the hearing of my petition, I still had not heard a peep from the Public Petitions Committee so I decided to write to them, stressing my concern about the inordinate delay in replying - notwithstanding the Committee's (inappropriate and unconstitutional) approach to Colin Boyd, the Lord Advocate to ask why the 100-year "Gagging Order" was imposed.
Even forgetting for the minute that the Lord Advocate has no legitimacy in Scottish law whatsoever to agree to the imposition of unlegislated closure orders in Scotland, it would take no time at all for even a primary schoolkid to follow instructions, pick up 106 files, single out the second-last one filed at 105, read the straightforward content, and declare: "I have no idea why these files have been gagged for 100 years?
But we are not depending on schoolchildren here to utter a response. We are depending on politicians and the legal profession. In a reply from the PPC dated 9 December, I was advised:
"As you are aware, at its meeting on Wednesday 29 October 2003, the Scottish Parliament's Public Petitions Committee considered the petition that you submitted on 26 June 2003. At that meeting the Committee agreed to write to the Lord Advocate seeking (a) further details of the framework under which a decision to impose a closure order of 100 years can be made, (b) confirmation as to why certain evidence that does not name specific children also appears to be subject to this 100-year closure order, and (c) an indication of the timescales for publication of the full catalogue of Cullen Inquiry material by the National Archives of Scotland and for any subsequent decisions on the release of material and variations of the closure period.
"We are still waiting for a response from the Lord Advocate's Office; once this has been received it will be further considered by the Committee. You will be informed when the petition is considered further and the outcome of that consideration."
After the hearing, the Committee agreed (not with me, but with one another) to approach the Lord Advocate to seek further details. I retaliated: "That could take another 99 years!"
It is now over two months since the PPC approached the Lord Advocate. Rather than elaborate further, I will quote the words of William Shakespeare in 1 Henry VI, iii, 1592: "Defer no time; delays have dangerous ends."
If the above information does not on its own rouse us, the public, into calling for a fresh inquiry into the events leading up to the Dunblane massacre and the ensuing whitewash, we are all guilty of something a lot more serious than complacency; we are all guilt of complicity. To sin by silence when we should protest, makes cowards out of men.
That aside, only time will tell what the outcome will be. In the near future, however, I envisage many clandestine figures in the Judiciary and in Parliament, with something to hide, clumsily tripping over their cloaks and falling on their daggers.
Cullen Inquiry Whitewash
Billy Burns recently petitioned the Scottish Parliament to open up to the public Lord Cullen’s 100-year Closure Order on files in relation to his pseudo-inquiry into the Dunblane massacre. (http://www.scottish.parliament.uk/petitions/public/index.htm listed at PE652)
Billy’s own correspondence was included in the order. Burns comments: “Lord Cullen can elicit little sympathy from the public for the way he conducted his inquiry into the Dunblane massacre in 1996.
I (Martin Frost) wrote to him on 27 February 2003 after a prominent Sunday Times journalist brought it to my attention that my correspondence with the ‘Cullen Inquiry’ before, during and after it commenced, had been put on a 100-year closure order, along with 105 other files.
“It was claimed that the reason the ‘gagging order’ was put in place was to protect the names of children who were victims of sex-abuse. Lord Cullen at the time of the Inquiry said there was no evidence of child sex-abuse, but now, seven years after his Inquiry, he has used the fact that there was evidence of child sex-abuse to try to justify his unwarranted 'gagging order’.
"This just did not wash with me. My letters to him did not mention a single name of a child sex-abuse victim - for I did not know any names. My letters dealt strictly with the potential, then actual Masonic cover-up, keeping in mind the many reports at the time that the mass killer, Thomas Hamilton, was a Freemason.
“I asked Lord Cullen to recuse himself if he was a Freemason. He denied he was a Mason following the question posed. I then asked him to instruct every witness to the Inquiry to declare if they were Masons, because too many sinister loopholes were created for Thomas Hamilton over a number of years to enable him to retain his gun licence and continue running boys clubs. Hamilton was given this seal of approval despite many misgivings from worried members of the public, certain police officers and others.
"As it happened, Lord Cullen did not recuse himself, even though, as I have recently discovered, he is numbered 1702 on the membership list of the ‘Speculative Society of Edinburgh’, which is an exclusive off-shoot of Freemasonry. In fact, Masons from Lodge Canongate Kilwinning No 2, founded the “Speculative Society” in Edinburgh in 1764.
"As the inquiry got under way, “Spec” member Lord Cullen did not ask any witnesses whether they were Masons or not, thereby digging a hole deeper and deeper for himself as his Inquiry actually regressed.
"When I learned of the 100-year 'gagging order', I wrote to Lord Cullen, demanded his resignation from the judiciary. He had been promoted to the Lord Presidency for his sins, the top law lord in the country. After receiving my letter, it was reported he was to be moved to the House of Lords. I had no intention of allowing him to take refuge in the Lords so I wrote a letter to him, addressing the envelope to the Judicial Department in the Lords, so that employees in that department were fully aware of the scandal surrounding the Dunblane cover-up. Since sending that letter, his elevation has been shelved to prevent his dirty (white)washing begriming the red benches."
“The only satisfactory way to now appease the relatives and friends of the victims of the massacre and of the child abuse - and, indeed, to appease the entire Scottish people who have all been excluded from the fundamental rights of citizenship as a result of the pseudo-inquiry - is to conduct a brand new inquiry under the auspices of a cross party panel of MSP's and nominated lay members whose lives were touched by the massacre. The same panel must also conduct a full-scale Inquiry into Lord Cullen's status and behaviour before, during and after his risible inquiry, and into his placing of the 100-year 'gagging order' on the evidence.
“As a consequence of my letter to Lord Cullen, asking him to resign, my name and address were summarily airbrushed from the already inaccurate description of the file held by the National Archives of Scotland. After I wrote a letter of complaint to them, it was changed again and now has the following more accurate description:
'1996 Apr-Jul Additional Productions
Correspondence between William Burns, South Queensferry, and Lord Cullen and the Clerk to the Inquiry concerning possible connections with Freemasonry of Thomas Hamilton, Lord Cullen himself, witnesses to the Inquiry and civil servants; also extracts from inquiry transcript relating to possible links with Freemasonry, and letters to and from Thomas Hamilton concerning running of boys clubs, rebuttals of allegations made against him and his claims against Central Regional Council and Central Scotland Police (R77).'
"I lodged a Petition with the Public Petitions Committee of the Scottish Parliament and sent copies to every MSP, exposing the flagrant cover-up. At the hearing on 29 November 2003, I made the following oral submission to the PPC: "I don’t think there is anyone in Scotland who now believes that the Cullen Inquiry into the Dunblane Massacre was anything other than a Masonic whitewash. The 100-year 'Gagging Order on my correspondence with the Cullen Inquiry confirms that. This Committee was provided with copies of my documents so cannot ignore the existence of this solid evidence.
"At the time of the Inquiry, Lord Cullen claimed there was no evidence of child sex-abuse in relation to Thomas Hamilton and his connections, but seven years later he uses the fact that there was evidence of child sex-abuse to put a “Gagging Order” on the files, claiming it was imposed to protect the names of victims, even though most of the files buried do not mention any names of victims.
"My own files are in that category. It must be clear to the Committee that the only reason the content of my letters to Cullen were 'gagged' was precisely to keep the Masonic implication out of the equation; therefore out of the public eye.
"'There is no statutory basis for the closure of orders created by Scottish public bodies.' These are the words of the Lord Advocate, not mine. They were produced in a publication on 18 March 2003 by the Scottish Executive - News Online, under the heading: 'Dunblane police reports released.'
“That disclosure alone makes a mockery of the Clerk to the Committee, Steve Farrell’s 'view' that it is not within the competence of the Parliament to overturn or interfere with the terms of such an order. The Scottish Parliament is the ONLY with the power to create a framework for imposing closure orders; but it must do so in the public interest, not in the interest of collaborators in secret societies.
"The Lord Advocate goes on to say: 'The Public Records (Scotland) Act 1937 makes provision for the preservation, care and custody of the public records of Scotland. The terms of the legislation are permissive [i.e., lenient, tolerant or liberal, reflecting a belief that there should be as few restraints as possible].'
'Preservation, custody and care of records' does not mean the exact opposite; the 'smotheration, stash and snare' of public records.
"The report continues: 'By contrast, in England and Wales the Public Records Act 1958 (as amended by the Public Records Act 1967) sets a statutory "closure period" of 30 years, after which records must, with limited exceptions, be made available to the public. The 1937 [Scottish] Act DOES NOT impose similar obligations on Executive departments, but IN PRACTICE those procedures are followed in Scotland.'
"'In practice' means nothing and could well be replaced with 'convenience', "habit", 'obsession', 'fixation', 'weakness', and a number of other meaningless slogans. Even tradition has no authority in law. Just because something is widespread 'practice, it does not create a power that Parliament has denied or has not legislated for.
"Since there is no framework for closure orders in Scotland, I am calling on Parliament to enact unequivocal legislation to prevent people with a vested interest from burying evidence and diverting the onus onto everyone from judges to procurators fiscal to the police to clerks and to every Tom, Dick and Harry chosen for the purpose, so that the real culprits can distance themselves from their illicit undertakings.
"This closure order was enforced not to protect the names of children, who are adults now, but to protect the names of very high-profile Masons and paedophiles."
On being questioned by members of the PPC, I brought to their attention the fact that, in the Cullen Inquiry transcript, three people giving evidence referred to Thomas Hamilton's connection with the Queen Victoria School in Dunblane. At page 286, Grace Jones Ogilvie, a neighbour of Thomas Hamilton, said Hamilton used to get a van from Central Region for camps at Loch Lomondside and Queen Victoria School. At page 1,803, Ian Steven Boal, who was a teacher and a friend of Hamilton's, told how he was helped by Thomas Hamilton to get a job at Queen Victoria School. At page 2,267, Robert Mark Ure, an ex-husband of a friend of Thomas Hamilton, evidenced that his estranged wife had been to the rifle range at Queen Victoria School with Thomas Hamilton.
These referrals to Queen Victoria School were mysteriously ignored in Cullen's Report. Why were questions not asked about who made it possible for Hamilton to have easy access to and influence in QVS. Being a boarding school for children of the military, apparently sten guns were occasionally used on the range.
According to a former school master at QVS, Hamilton had free access to the rifle range. He also disclosed that he had been complaining for years about very high profile people arriving at the school (Friends of QVS they were called), some of whom took children away from the school for weekends to play out their perverted, sordid, sexual fantasies on children. Hamilton was the mediator for this paedophile ring. This schoolmaster was prevented from giving evidence at the Cullen Inquiry and was soon moved away to a remote part of Scotland.
What you had here was a Secretary of State for Scotland, Michael Forsyth who, by virtue of office, was on the Board of Directors of QVS, and was also responsible for the appointment of Cullen to conduct the Inquiry. There is Prince Philip, a Freemason, the patron of the Board of Directors of QVS and is an honorary member of the exclusive, secretive and highly suspect Speculative Society of Edinburgh. Then there is Lord (Donald McArthur) Ross, the then Lord Justice-Clerk and Cullen's superior in the judiciary, who was also on the Board of Directors, and is also a "Brother" of Cullen's in the Masonic Speculative Society of Edinburgh, numbered at 1642.
Five weeks after the hearing of my petition, I still had not heard a peep from the Public Petitions Committee so I decided to write to them, stressing my concern about the inordinate delay in replying - notwithstanding the Committee's (inappropriate and unconstitutional) approach to Colin Boyd, the Lord Advocate to ask why the 100-year "Gagging Order" was imposed.
Even forgetting for the minute that the Lord Advocate has no legitimacy in Scottish law whatsoever to agree to the imposition of unlegislated closure orders in Scotland, it would take no time at all for even a primary schoolkid to follow instructions, pick up 106 files, single out the second-last one filed at 105, read the straightforward content, and declare: "I have no idea why these files have been gagged for 100 years?
But we are not depending on schoolchildren here to utter a response. We are depending on politicians and the legal profession. In a reply from the PPC dated 9 December, I was advised:
"As you are aware, at its meeting on Wednesday 29 October 2003, the Scottish Parliament's Public Petitions Committee considered the petition that you submitted on 26 June 2003. At that meeting the Committee agreed to write to the Lord Advocate seeking (a) further details of the framework under which a decision to impose a closure order of 100 years can be made, (b) confirmation as to why certain evidence that does not name specific children also appears to be subject to this 100-year closure order, and (c) an indication of the timescales for publication of the full catalogue of Cullen Inquiry material by the National Archives of Scotland and for any subsequent decisions on the release of material and variations of the closure period.
"We are still waiting for a response from the Lord Advocate's Office; once this has been received it will be further considered by the Committee. You will be informed when the petition is considered further and the outcome of that consideration."
After the hearing, the Committee agreed (not with me, but with one another) to approach the Lord Advocate to seek further details. I retaliated: "That could take another 99 years!"
It is now over two months since the PPC approached the Lord Advocate. Rather than elaborate further, I will quote the words of William Shakespeare in 1 Henry VI, iii, 1592: "Defer no time; delays have dangerous ends."
If the above information does not on its own rouse us, the public, into calling for a fresh inquiry into the events leading up to the Dunblane massacre and the ensuing whitewash, we are all guilty of something a lot more serious than complacency; we are all guilt of complicity. To sin by silence when we should protest, makes cowards out of men.
That aside, only time will tell what the outcome will be. In the near future, however, I envisage many clandestine figures in the Judiciary and in Parliament, with something to hide, clumsily tripping over their cloaks and falling on their daggers.
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